Resentment is simmering over a newly codified provision in the amended PSAPL (Public Security Administration Punishments Law): sealing (i.e. blocking) notices of petty administrative violations. In practice, the furore largely concerns drug-taking.
The amendment runs contrary to public opinion, not least online. To curb social risk, the public insists drug-use records not be sealed.
Weeks before its rollout, social media buzzed not with praise, but apprehension, less about drugs per se than about the PRC version of ‘rule of law’.
dual-track legal system
The public reaction underscores the hard line drawn between ‘crime’ (fànzuì) and ‘administrative violation’ (wéifǎ ‘illegal act’).
crimes: offences violating the Criminal Law, liable to prison sentences and permanent, unsealed criminal records
administrative violation: acts disturbing public order, yet involving no criminal liability. Penalised under the PSAPL, it runs to acts like minor assault, soliciting, and crucially, drug use (distinct from drug trafficking)
The amendment applies only to administrative violations; permanent records of crime remain unaffected.
from chaos to codification
Despite all the conspiracy theories, blocking notice of ‘illegal acts’ is no sudden invention to hide an upwelling of secrets, but a decade-old administrative correction now formalised in statute.
The PRC was, for years, dogged by a chaotic ‘background check’ culture. Risk-averse employers and local bureaucracies routinely demanded ‘proof of no violation’, whether for delivering food or working as a security guard. Absent formal criteria, local police stations indiscriminately issued certificates detailing each and every minor infraction.
A turning point came in 2016. The Ministry of Public Security called for tighter practice and judicial modernisation. Confined to nine clearly defined categories, police certification would abstain from catch-all ‘non-violation’ checks for general jobs.
Sealing records has been the de facto operational norm, simply elevated into statute by the 2026 amendment for permanence and authority.
public anxiety
Yet, despite all the rationalisation, public reaction has been intense, a backlash reflecting security fears and distrust of status.
In a society shaped by deep security concerns, Beijing’s zero-tolerance on drugs fuels conspiracy rumours. Offspring of elite families, runs one of them, will see their decadence ‘washed’ by the amendment. Discretion in the legal system is viewed as a privilege in the eyes of a cynical public; it is inevitably traded by the powerful to dodge consequences rather than show tolerance.
Anxiety has been rising. Blocking records creates ‘ticking time bombs’, insist online commentators: bus drivers or schoolteachers hiding histories of addiction. The fear is visceral, an urban myth preferring collective safety to rehabilitative happy endings.
rationale and clarification
Facing this wave of scepticism, legal scholars and the judiciary are now going public, offering responses twofold: clarifying the technical criteria and, more to the point, deeming the amendment sociologically imperative.
‘sealing’ is neither absolute nor available to those convicted of crimes, Zhao Hong 赵宏 Peking University and others have clarified; they noted that for sensitive or regulated professions (such as public servants or teachers), rigorous industry-specific background checks are already clearly prescribed by law
officials like Zhang Yijian 张义健, NPC Legislative Affairs Commission, have laid out the statistical reality driving this reform; the National Bureau of Statistics reports some eight million administrative violations are handled annually by police
‘Practical’ views of punishment are the point: penalties for petty misconduct should aim to rehabilitate, while preserving basic rights like privacy. Annually stigmatising eight million people for life for small offences—shut out of work and harming their children’s prospects—would result in a huge, resentful group. Their accumulating ‘social death’ is a greater risk to long-term stability than the original offences. Sealing their records provides a means of societal repair rather than a get-out-of-jail card.
rethinking the reform
For the global public, the shift cuts against easy ‘stagnation’ narratives. The PRC’s path is often cast as a blunt choice between a control-obsessed state and a society long denied liberty. The PSAPL fracas arguably offers the inverse, progress in the form of modernisation: proportionality, and protection of privacy against ‘digital stigmata’. A parallel narrative is on show in the social credit system. The public position is conservative, insisting on absolute transparency and permanent punishment.
Not quite a retreat from reform, this tension reflects the drag of modernisation itself. While Beijing officials hope to move governance closer to global norms on rehabilitation and privacy, public opinion remains deeply shaped by older moral frameworks that favour harsh justice. Blocks to a ‘rule of law’ flow not only from above, but also from deep-seated conservatism in society at large.
progressive lawyers
Zhao Hong 赵宏 | Peking University Law School, Research Centre for Human Rights and Humanitarian Law Director
Enactinf the ‘record sealing system’ for public security violations marks a pivotal move from purely punitive governance to a rights-based approach, argues Zhao. With the revised Public Security Administration Punishments Law taking effect 1 January 2026, Zhao notes that the focus must now move to strict enforcement of privacy protocols. She contends that merely sealing files is insufficient; the system must effectively sever the chain of ‘collateral consequences’—such as employment discrimination—to prevent minor administrative penalties from becoming lifetime stigmas. A sounder approach, she suggests, is to ensure these records remain inaccessible to non-judicial bodies, thereby guaranteeing the ‘right to be forgotten’ and allowing for genuine social reintegration.
A researcher at Peking University Law School, Zhao is Director of its Research Centre for Human Rights and Humanitarian Law. Previously, she served as a professor at the China University of Political Science and Law. A specialist in administrative law with visiting fellowships in Germany, she is a prominent public intellectual. She frequently advocates for legal reforms that balance state power with the protection of individual dignity.
Luo Xiang 罗翔 | China University of Political Science and Law Institute of Criminal Law Director
The newly enacted record-sealing offers a vital ‘exit mechanism’ for minor offenders, Luo argues, warning that administrative penalties should not become life sentences in disguise. He contends that without such privacy safeguards, a simple public security record acts as a ‘digital tattoo’, permanently barring individuals from the labour market and casting a shadow over their families. While welcoming the 2026 amendment, Luo cautions that the law’s spirit relies on strict execution—specifically, limiting the abuse of background checks by firms. A just society, he maintains, must offer the possibility of genuine redemption rather than imposing a lifetime of social exclusion for a momentary lapse.
Director of the Institute of Criminal Law at the China University of Political Science and Law, Luo is a celebrated legal educator with a large social media following. He was previously a visiting scholar at Duke University. His work specialises in criminal justice reform and legal ethics.




The authors seem not be aware of what has been written in English on this, i.e., https://npcobserver.com/2025/12/26/npc-finally-responds-to-controversy-over-sealing-drug-use-records/#more-32662; also the sealing proposal has been discussed among legal professionals for years, including by people within the system.
“The amendment runs contrary to public opinion, not least online. To curb social risk, the public insists drug-use records not be sealed.” Let's be careful to distinguish "public opinion" from "opinions of the terminally online". I suspect most of the public has not thought about it, and certainly not in any kind of informed or serious way after exposure to arguments from both sides of the issue. The quoted sentence says "not least online“, but I didn't see any reference to non-online measures of public opinion on this issue.